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Reproduced from www.Tamilnewsweb.com Amidst propaganda hype and media frenzy the LTTE leader's annual speech was delivered on 27th November 2004. The LTTE has built up a vast media network across the globe. It is a multi-million dollar entity; resources are partly drawn from the funds Tamil Diaspora is donating to the liberation struggle. Other Tamil owned media in the Diaspora are competing with each other in eulogising the LTTE and its activities. The so-called independent Tamil media is unashamedly justifying anything and everything the LTTE is telling and some of the lead writers in this media even go to the extent of urging the LTTE to kill its opponents and they get away with it. As far as the Tamil media is concerned journalistic or media ethics are non-existent. In addition to this, the LTTE has also mastered the art of orchestrating this event by feeding reputable independent news agencies prior to the event so that some of those news agencies also publish this speech simultaneously. News and speculations about the contents of the speech raises the curiosity of all those Sri Lanka watchers, political leaders and the diplomatic community alike and make them anxiously wait to hear or have a glimpse of the contents. The LTTE propaganda operatives must be given credit for their skill and the efficiency with which they spin this event. Having created such expectations and invited the attention of everyone in this manner, Pirabaharan was put in an unenviable position to perform. It is definitely a gigantic task to deliver the expected substance to such a captive audience, even if he had some new stratagem or any magic formula to alleviate the anxieties of his 'subjects'. The Political observers who had carefully studied the speech are almost unanimous in saying that the speech spelled out neither. Even some pro LTTE analysts find it difficult to conceal their disappointment. Firstly, the voice modulation and the way he read out the speech sounded more like a newsreader devoid of any passion or engagement. Listeners noticed that some of the radio and television newsreaders who; were narrating the event sounded more emotionally charged than the speaker himself. One cannot blame Pirabaharan for the absence of passion, because he probably knows that there is nothing to be passionate about in the content of his speech. Militarist Jingoism He also spoke of the military equilibrium he has achieved with the Sri Lankan State. This often repeated militaristic jingoism sounded hollow in the context of the realities of insecurity, humiliation, continuing murders, abductions, and utter hopelessness that prevails in the North-East. Fundamentalist Nationalism This is the mentality of the tell tale well frog. It demonstrated once again the failure of the LTTE to be cognizant of the complex realities of today's political landscape of Sri Lanka and the influences of the emerging micro political undercurrents. There is a growing desire within major sections of the Sinhala polity, to resolve the national question and hasten the process of Nation building. CBK's 1994 proposal, their election manifesto and the subsequent endorsement by the electorate are all manifestations of this tendency. Similar tendencies exist among the emerging younger generation leaders of the UNP. The JVP too are showing movement regarding Tamil autonomy. Other traditional left parties have largely been supportive of devolution all along. An optimistic, responsible, modern, outward looking and visionary Tamil leadership would have attempted to identify and nurture such tendencies and engage them to evolve a consensus. Instead the LTTE leader is keen in his speech to interpret the last election results as evidence of polarising fundamentalist positions. He said, "While the verdict of the general election helped to reinforce Sinhala-Buddhist hegemonism in the Sinhala south, Tamil nationalism arose as a unified collective force in the northeastern Tamil homeland." The last general election in the northeast has been condemned and dismissed by all observers as fraudulent and the MPs returned are persons of no consequence. Even the LTTE rank and file treat them with the utter disdain they deserve. However this is a clear illustration of the intent and the fundamentalist designs of the LTTE leadership. The LTTE would like to live in the past and reinforce the fundamentalist sections within Sinhala polity to justify their inability to move forward. Tamil speaking people and the International community are keenly awaiting forward movement in the moribund peace process facilitated by the Norwegians. This is probably one area of some interest for all the observers. In his speech he said "Three years have lapsed since we entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Government of Sri Lanka, after three decades of protracted armed struggle. You are fully aware that during this period of ceasefire we have been making every endeavour, with sincerity and commitment, to seek a negotiated settlement to the Tamil national question" Well; that would have been a positive message if he went on to elaborate what he has or has not done about it, and how they propose to pursue this further. Instead, he went on to accuse the Sri Lankan government. He stated, " The government says that any form of interim administration should be an integral part of a permanent settlement. While we (LTTE) are demanding an interim administrative set-up, the Kumaratunga government is insisting on talks for a permanent settlement to the ethnic conflict" In other words the LTTE was exposed as an entity which is opposed to the permanent resolution of the conflict. The government may or may not be sincere about resolving the national question for reasons best known to them, but as a party to the negotiation, it is the responsibility of the LTTE to pin them down. The LTTE has failed miserably in this context. ISGA : LTTE's panacea for all
existential problems Tamil peoples' existential problems are manifold; from the squalid conditions under which they are forced to live, to the virtual disenfranchisement during the fraudulent last general elections are real issues which need to be addressed. Tamil people strongly feel that the LTTE is also responsible for their present plight to a large extent. The LTTE's scheme of imposing its will and staking the undemocratic and primitive claim of being the 'sole representative' of the Tamils is not only unpalatable but also will never be practical. If the LTTE attempts to wriggle out of the peace process on the issue of ISGA, that will only give the Sri Lankan government another opportunity to justify the postponement of devolution. The LTTE has every right to forward what it thinks is right; and perhaps a section of the Tamils may even agree with the LTTE that the ISGA should be given to them unconditionally. There are also a substantial section of Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese living in the North-East who have genuine concerns and are opposed to ISGA being given to the LTTE. In addition to this there are also serious questions of ISGA's viability inside the existing Sri Lankan constitution. If the LTTE were unable to adopt a realistic position on the ISGA issue, an internationally supervised referendum would become inevitable, not only to determine this question, but also to decide the composition of the Tamil negotiating team. Launching the freedom struggle We call upon the concerned international governments to understand our predicament and prevail upon the Sri Lanka government to resume peace talks based on our fair and reasonable stand." Many in the international community including Tamils perhaps, would be prepared to show some sympathy with the leader's predicament, who just turned fifty, if he asked for it without the threat of war and with some sense of remorse. Tamil people know the real meaning of
war In effect the Tamil struggle was driven into a cul-de-sac with Pirabaharan in the driving seat under the full glare of the publicity the LTTE so cleverly devised. (Courtesy:www.Tamilnewsweb.com)
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