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Ram
Manikkalingam COLOMBO, MARCH 31. As the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) attempt to work out a joint mechanism for post-tsunami reconstruction, Ram Manikkalingam, Senior Adviser to the Sri Lankan President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, on the peace process is of the view that unlike the "top-down" peace processes, the post-tsunami efforts had a strong "pull-factor," based on ground-level cooperation. In an exclusive interview to V.S. Sambandan for the Hindu, Dr. Manikkalingam, a strong advocate of Tamil autonomy, and long-time critic of the LTTE, outlines the basic contours of the joint mechanism and the factors directing it. Excerpts: Question: What is the present status of the joint mechanism? Manikkalingam: There is a proposal made incorporating the ideas of both sides, put together with the assistance of the Norwegian Government. The positions are extremely close and the Government is optimistic that there is a strong possibility of a joint mechanism being worked out. Why has the joint mechanism taken precedence over the stalled [peace] negotiations? The tsunami has resulted in a massive devastation. In 20 minutes, we lost almost 40,000 people and in 20 years of conflict, we lost 60,000 — almost the same magnitude of people died in 20 minutes who died in 20 years. There is an immediate, urgent, practical, humanitarian necessity to address and it cannot wait for us to deal with other political solutions. Both parties agreed that this takes precedence at this moment. In addition, there are basic political issues. One is that both parties view this [joint mechanism] as an important confidence-building measure. While this is certainly not part of the peace process, if it works well, it can create the climate where the peace process can move forward. Another reason is that it is an issue about what something else — the tsunami — did to all three of us — Tamil, Sinhala and Muslim communities — and not what we did to each other. In that sense there is a change in subject that allows us to talk about hospitals, schools, houses, fishing boats and not about an abstract discussion such as nationalism, history or what somebody else did to us 50, 500 or 1,000 years ago. Post-tsunami, is there a change in the decades-long positions held by the Government and the rebels? Usually in the peace processes in Sri Lanka, the leadership of both parties — the LTTE and the Government — come to a decision that there needs to be a ceasefire and talks should begin. They have been top-down processes. The change with the tsunami has been that there has been a pull from the bottom for cooperation. There was, in a sense, the pull factor, which is very, very strong unlike the previous peace processes, and the leadership is catching up with the demand on the ground for cooperation. Could you elaborate on the [joint] mechanism? The mechanism consists of three tiers. There is a three-member high-level committee with a nominee each by the Government, the LTTE and the Muslim parties. This will be essentially involved with the policy of allocating resources. There will be a regional committee consisting of 10 members — five nominated by the LTTE, three by the Muslim parties and two by the Government. This will be for the six affected districts, but will only be in the specific geographical areas that had a direct impact — two km from the coast in the tsunami-affected areas — not the entire district. There will be district committees. Since the current district committees are proceeding in a way that is acceptable to both parties, they will continue as they are. What is the guiding factor behind the joint mechanism? There is a version that the international community is insisting on it. There are three factors. The first person to suggest the idea of the LTTE working with the Government on reconstruction in the north and east is the President. Shortly after the tsunami, she instructed her Secretary to write to Tamilchelvan, the LTTE's political wing leader, explaining that considerable assistance was coming from overseas and the Government wanted to make sure that this assistance could be shared in an efficient and equitable manner. That was the beginning. The President feels very strongly that if we want to carry out reconstruction in an effective and equitable manner, we have to, whether we like it or not, engage with parties that control some of the areas where the destruction has taken place. The LTTE appreciate that they cannot carry out this reconstruction on their own. They simply lack the capacity and need the support of the state machinery. They began a series of concerted discussions with the Government to work together. That is the second factor. The third factor is the international community. It is their money; they would like it to be spent in ways that help reconstruct the country and they do not discriminate between any of the regions. The
donors are encouraging such a joint mechanism. No donor has made it a
condition. They simply expressed that they prefer that there be an
effective mechanism for working together. These factors coincide, and
these had led to a movement on the joint mechanism
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